Trade Is War: The West's War Against the World
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Globalization has reduced many aspects of modern life to little more than commodities controlled by multinational corporations. Everything, from land and water to health and human rights, is today intimately linked to the issue of free trade. Conventional wisdom presents this development as benign, the sole path to progress.
Yash Tandon, drawing on decades of on-the-ground experience as a high level negotiator in bodies such as the World Trade Organization (WTO), here challenges this prevailing orthodoxy. He insists that, for the vast majority of people, and especially those in the poorer regions of the world, free trade not only hinders development – it visits relentless waves of violence and impoverishment on their lives.
Trade Is War shows how the WTO and the Economic Partnership Agreements like the EU-Africa EPA and the Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership (TTIP) are camouflaged in a rhetoric that hides their primary function as the servants of global business. Their actions are inflaming a crisis that extends beyond the realm of the economic, creating hot wars for markets and resources, fought between proxies in Africa, Asia, Latin America, the Middle East and now even in Europe.
In these pages Tandon suggests an alternative vision to this devastation, one based on self-sustaining, non-violent communities engaging in trade based on the real value of goods and services and the introduction of alternative currencies.
could overcome his or her own psychological dependency syndrome, could he or she then be able, also, to overcome the structural limitation? Do individuals in state power have any leverage that can overcome the structural bind? Or were they doomed in their structural bind to be forever servile? To put it in somewhat personal terms, would the confidence I placed in Kikwete’s will (even if temporarily aroused) overcome the pessimism of my doubting spirit? Kampala, Nairobi and Mombasa Kampala was
day and night—in conjunction with several ambassadors from the countries of the South—to negotiate an amendment to the TRIPS agreement. This, then, was the basis of the Doha Ministerial Declaration on TRIPS and Public Health. I was at Doha as a member of the Uganda delegation. The adoption of this declaration was very significant, and so I provide some excerpts.71 Following a preamble that recognised ‘the gravity of the public health problems’ afflicting developing countries, the declaration
After 1980 I shifted my exile to Zimbabwe, which became my second home. What struck me immediately was the difference between Uganda and Zimbabwe. It was principally the land issue that defined this difference. At the Lancaster House ‘independence’ negotiations, Mugabe had made two vital concessions: one, he would allow the white minority a number of reserved seats in the new parliament; and two, he would not touch the land for ten years, and let it be exchanged on a ‘willing seller, willing
attempts to overthrow the Cuban government, including the abortive Bay of Pigs Invasion of 1961. This was followed soon afterwards with the Cuban Missile Crisis in 1962.78 In return for Soviet withdrawal of missiles from Cuba, the United States promised not to invade Cuba in the future. Even before Bay of Pigs and the missile crisis, the US had imposed sanctions on Cuba. They began on 19 October 1960, and covered a whole range of products, processes and procedures. They continue to this day and
with the German newspaper Handelsblatt on 13 September 2013, he warned against another financial crisis, which could be triggered by one or more of the following factors:103 The ‘too big to fail banks’: by 2013 the five biggest US banks had amassed $8.3 trillion in assets, $2.5 trillion more than in 2007; The ballooning derivatives market, which had grown from $586 trillion in 2007 to almost $633 trillion in 2013, and which was largely unregulated; Shadow banks: with assets of $67 trillion