The Street Porter and the Philosopher: Conversations on Analytical Egalitarianism

The Street Porter and the Philosopher: Conversations on Analytical Egalitarianism

Sandra J. Peart, David M. Levy

Language: English

Pages: 446

ISBN: B01GMI4AS6

Format: PDF / Kindle (mobi) / ePub


Sandra J. Peart, David M. Levy (eds.)

Adam Smith, asserting the common humanity of the street porter and the philosopher, articulated the classical economists' model of social interactions as exchanges among equals. This model had largely fallen out of favor until, recently, a number of scholars in the avant-garde of economic thought rediscovered it and rechristened it "analytical egalitarianism." In this volume, Sandra J. Peart and David M. Levy bring together an impressive array of authors to explore the ramifications of this analytical ideal and to discuss the ways in which an egalitarian theory of individuality can enable economists to reconcile ideas from opposite ends of the political spectrum.

Reviews:

"The analytical egalitarianism project that Peart and Levy have advanced has come to occupy a prominent place in the current agenda of historians of economic thought."
---Ross Emmett, Associate Professor of Economics and Co-Director of the Michigan Center for Innovation and Economic Prosperity, Michigan State University

"These essays and dialogs from the Summer Institute would make Adam Smith, economist and moral philosopher, proud."
---J. Daniel Hammond, Hultquist Family Professor of Economics, Wake Forest University

Contributors:

James M. Buchanan, Alfred Nobel Memorial Prize in Economic Sciences recipient (1985) and Professor Emeritus, George Mason University and Virginia Polytechnic and State University
Juan Pablo Couyoumdijian, Universidad del Desearrollo, Chile
Tyler Cowen, George Mason University
Eric Crampton, University of Canterbury, New Zealand
Andrew Farrant, Dickinson College
Samuel Hollander, Professor Emeritus, University of Toronto
M. Ali Khan, Johns Hopkins University
Thomas Leonard, Princeton University
Deirdre McCloskey, University of Illinois, Chicago
Leonidas Montes, Dean of School of Government, Universidad Adolfo Ibañez, Chile
Maria Pia Paganelli, Yeshiva University and New York University
Warren J. Samuels, Professor Emeritus, Michigan State University
Eric Schliesser, VENI post-doctoral research fellow, Leiden University, and University of Amsterdam
Gordon Tullock, George Mason University

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suf‹cient strings attached to attenuate moral hazard. Part 1 of this volume, “Politics, Markets and Equality,” examines contemporary and classical economic policy with an eye to whether or not markets serve to effect economic reforms and practical equality. Here the conversation between Warren Samuels and James Buchanan in chapter 2 is most interesting; although both endorse analytical egalitarianism, the two scholars come to very different conclusions about the ef‹cacy of democratic politics to

intended for the common satisfaction of needs, such as schools, health services, etc. From the outset this part grows considerably in comparison with present-day society and it grows in proportion as the new society develops. Thirdly, funds for those unable to work, etc., in short for what is included under so-called of‹cial poor relief today. (85) We come now to the matter of “fair” in the sense of “equal” distribution. It is readily allowed that “what the producer is deprived of in his capacity

excellent clerk completing an intricate bill of lading or an excellent repairer of railcar-making machinery. (Schuttner 1998, 67ff). At least one can in a modern capitalist society. Part 2: The Rich Of course, the very rich are always with us. In the railcar factory Happy Joe had a boss, who grew rich “on” Joe’s labor. Any discussion about the ethics of the market tends to devolve rapidly into a discussion of winners and losers, where losers are taken to be the workers. It’s part of the zero-sum

his four principal virtues (prudence, justice, benevolence, and self-command) is scant. One could simply explain that one book is about ethics and the other about political economy, but this does not dissipate the Problem. Yet, if this and other puzzles add to the relevance of the Problem, its nature must be combined with an interpretation of why and how it actually emerged. Although the German context during the ‹rst half of the nineteenth century is extremely complex in its political and social

anybody has said technology is the invisible hand, but I may be wrong on that. The interest rate, the marginal ef‹ciency of capital, the multiplier accelerator—I don’t think any of these things were called the invisible hand by Keynesians or anti-Keynesians, which may tell you something about the linguistic dimension of all of this. . . . DML: He didn’t say it, of course, but that would be a not unfair characterization of Stigler, that for Stigler everything’s in Smith . . . WJS: Also the

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