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From World War II until the 1980s, the United States reigned supreme as both the economic and the military leader of the world. The major shifts in global politics that came about with the dismantling of the Eastern bloc have left the United States unchallenged as the preeminent military power, but American economic might has declined drastically in the face of competition, first from Germany and Japan ad more recently from newly prosperous countries elsewhere. In Deterring Democracy, the impassioned dissident intellectual Noam Chomsky points to the potentially catastrophic consequences of this new imbalance. Chomsky reveals a world in which the United States exploits its advantage ruthlessly to enforce its national interests--and in the process destroys weaker nations. The new world order (in which the New World give the orders) has arrived.
through the Carter years, in a valuable study of US policy towards Nicaragua.7 The basic “question of substance” that he raises is whether it is “possible for a powerful, idealistic nation like the United States and small, poor nations on its periphery to establish fair and respectful relationships.” His policy proposals have to do with “ways in which future succession crises and revolutions could be managed more effectively by the United States”; the role of “manager” is assumed, along with the
a UNO victory offered the best prospect of securing US funds to end the country’s economic misery”—correctly, of course.5 The English-language Costa Rican monthly Mesoamerica added this comment: “The Sandinistas fell for a scam perpetrated by Costa Rican President Oscar Arias and the other Central American Presidents,” which “cost them the 25 Feb. elections.” Nicaragua had agreed to loosen wartime constraints and advance the scheduled elections by a few months “in exchange for having the contras
Jefferson’s idea: government with the consent of the governed, as Václav Havel reminded us the other day. To say so seems romantic, but then we live in a romantic age.”38 We are “dizzy with success,” as Stalin used to say, observing the triumph of our ideals in Central America and the Caribbean, the Philippines, the Israeli-occupied territories, and other regions where our influence reaches so that we can take credit for the conditions of life and the state of freedom. The reference to Havel
[the social democratic leader assassinated in Guatemala, by Salvadoran death squads, according to the Guatemalan government]. If Andrei Sakharov had worked here in favor of human rights, he would have met the same fate as Herbert Anaya [one of the many murdered leaders of the independent Salvadoran Human Rights Commission CDHES]. If Ota-Sik or Václav Havel had been carrying out their intellectual work in El Salvador, they would have woken up one sinister morning, lying on the patio of a
agreement as they liked—confident, and rightly so, that the press would play along. But despite this capitulation to US power, the agreement firmly repeated the request contained in Numeral 5 of the Esquipulas II Accord that regional and extra-regional governments, which either openly or secretly supply aid to irregular forces [the Contras] or insurrectional movements [indigenous guerrillas] in the area, immediately halt such aid, with the exception of humanitarian aid that contributes to the